NEW DELHI: At the peak of his popularity following a massive mandate in Pulwama-powered 2019 Lok Sabha polls, Narendra Modi twisted the knife deeper months later in Jharkhand when he remarked that he could identify rioters by their clothes. It was the trope for polarisation that was expected to build on the mood in his favour and rescue the unpopular BJP in the tribal state. But he could not defy the state’s tradition of booting out the incumbent.
Five years later, BJP sent three months in advance the fire-breathing Himanta Biswa Sarma and Shivraj Chouhan to prepare the pitch for polarisation with sharp comments around Hindu-Muslim faultline, on which the big guns later batted with their campaigns. But this time, they could not stop the JMM-plus from defying the incumbency handicap.
Five years apart, Jharkhand has stood like a rock, stonewalling communalism. On both occasions, tribal face Hemant Soren triumphantly ascending to the helm.
The pattern has thrown into sharp relief the unique nature of the state carved out of Bihar, which is known for its tribal character but has a predominant majority of OBCs; where the native party banks on three partners to boost its rainbow alliance, but is ranged against BJP which has a national force and agenda that seeks to overcome the caste divide through religious consolidation.
Native leader Soren was the underdog, who was battling the might of the hegemonic BJP machine led by the lifesize image of Modi supported by a strong cast of who’s who.
A man who, after being under the hammer for over two years, was jailed in an alleged corruption case during the LS polls – the rival plan being to render the underdog rudderless and then overwhelm it. But first Champai Soren, and then Soren’s wife Kalpana, stepped up, and effected a tribal consolidation that yielded decent results in the parliamentary polls. Six months later, the mood only soared further.
In hindsight, BJP erred in treating Soren like NCP and Shiv Sena or Congress leaders, as it triggered an identity backlash that sank the favourites.
Yet, the BJP combo of ‘name, network, resources and rhetoric’ was a massive challenge to overcome. They were all there – Modi, Amit Shah, Yogi Adityanath and Biswa Sarma. By the looks of it, JMM appealed to the vast populace as the underdog taking on the mighty, as its soft manners and inclusive approach countered the rivals’ attempt at religious consolidation. It could only be possible with tribals finding allies in the sprawling OBC bloc and minorities, with a sprinkling of others. The support of ‘Maiyya Samman’ monthly dole to women, played its role.
In the end, Jharkhand would be known as the state that bucked the trend back to back, and kept polarisation at bay.
